Not being there: a pragmatic approach to workplace studies Lydia Plowman School of Cognitive and Computing Sciences ÈÕº«ÎÞÂë BRIGHTON BN1 9QH CSRP 341 It is increasingly the case in the UK that research has to be carried out with an industrial partner if it is to gain funding from the research agencies. The government white paper on research funding, Realising our Potential (1993), stresses wealth creation as a desired research outcome and the ensuing need for contacts between industry and academia in the fields of science, engineering and technology. These demands extend to many of the EC funding programmes and are explicit in the DTI's CSCW Advanced Technology programme, which requires the main consortium partners to be from industry. The thwarted ethnographer and industry Ethnographic methods have been associated with the emergence of the concept of CSCW because their emphasis on the observation and description of a range of cultures has an obvious affinity with the need to understand the organisational context in which the proposed system will be used. As academic/industrial partnerships become increasingly common, particularly in the field of CSCW, there is an urgent need to consider alternative approaches to workplace studies and how they can inform system design. In this paper I will 1) outline some of the problems which arise from undertaking the empirical study of work settings in the context of a formal collaboration agreement with an industrial partner, 2) attempt to contain the zeal for ethnography in such contexts, and 3) suggest ways in which some of the precepts of ethnography can be adapted for use within the workplace, redefining these methods as 'interpretive'. I will draw on my experience of several studies in the field of CSCW undertaken since 1988, all of which had the purpose of providing design guidelines for systems . They have all started from a human-centred perspective, but have become progressively less 'ethnographic' in orientation as commercial demands have become more explicit. During doctoral research we have more freedom to invest the requisite time and energy in grounded theory and the willingness to risk an approach which is a gamble in terms of translatable findings. If anything, doctoral researchers spend too much time driven by a constant quest to satiate their desire to collect enough data. By the time researchers are working on industrially sponsored projects, accounts rarely disclose exactly how much time was spent in the field because it's always less than necessary. Time constraints mean that projects require findings as soon as possible, so that designers can get on with implementing a prototype or making decisions about preferred platforms - to the extent that in the present project these decisions have been made without waiting for an analysis of the initial case study. This means that findings can be so general and high level as to be almost useless, and the only realistic option is to offer designers an interpretation of some of the issues. Ethnographic methods are more usually associated with the generation than the verification of theory and it is questionable whether such an approach is useful for informing system design given that a statement of design guidelines or issues is the ultimate goal of such studies. The purpose of workplace studies is certainly much more constrained by the demands of system design than traditional ethnographic studies, which have a more nebulous purpose. This should make the task more straightforward... Being there There have now been plentiful statements of what constitutes an ethnographic approach in the workplace, but the main prerequisite for detailed observation is 'being there' - a state which can be quite difficult to achieve in many circumstances. Many of the ethnographic studies so far have been based on studies in which personal contact has been used to gain access (Rogers, forthcoming), or are of a relatively closed environment, such as a group of graphic designers (Murray, 1993), architects (Luff & Heath, 1993), or a city dealing room (Heath et al, 1993). Others use an educational environment to which the researcher has uncomplicated access (Plowman, 1991 & 1993), or use organisations in the public sector, which are less constrained by protecting commercial confidentiality, such as the London underground (Heath & Luff, 1992), or an air traffic control centre (Hughes et al, 1993). The emphasis of ethnographic methods is on natural settings, and identifying appropriate methods of data collection and analysis in situ, during a period of observation and, where appropriate, participation in work practices. One problem with this approach is that it is extremely labour intensive. Many projects allocate one person to undertake the workplace studies whilst the rest of the team are more directly involved in system design and implementation so it is unrealistic to appropriate methods which rely on total immersion in a culture over a long period. Because such an approach leads to an overwhelming quantity of potential data, some assumptions have to be made early on about the parameters of the study and CSCW now has a number of established candidates for this focus, such as the use of shared artefacts, mediating representations, and communication practices. These methods also depend heavily on the cooperation of the institution and the participants. It is often the case that the industrial partner is situated at a considerable distance from the researcher (in my case, two sites, each of which is several hours journey time from base) so visits have to be pre-arranged, are costly, and infrequent. Furthermore, once access has been negotiated would-be ethnographers have a marginal role and there are pressures on them to take the line of least resistance (Hammersley, 1983). As a person with privileged access to the site, it is easy to feel that one shouldn't get in the way or be too demanding in terms of further access and there is a constant need to be adaptable. This can be heightened by the widespread view in industry that academics have fewer constraints on their time and can be more accommodating of last minute demands or changes. Not being there The case study on which I have been working for the last nine months has been allocated by the company without consultation with the academic partners and with greatly restricted access to information. Case C is almost completely atypical and has the great disadvantage for an ethnographer of being over before 'being there' was a possibility. This means that the researcher is restricted to retrospective accounts of events, leading to obvious problems in terms of the status of recall, finding relevant memos or sketches, and key personnel leaving the company. One of the main functions of the proposed tool, which will run on laptop PCs, is for salespeople to elicit the customer's requirements by building up a block diagram of the equipment required. A coherency checker will ensure the system's functionality. The opportunity to accompany salespeople would provide insights into the design of the proposed tool and how it could be used, such as the extent to which the customer would have a shared view of the screen and what information should be available. Access to these meetings is not available as the information is considered commercially sensitive. Interviews with sales staff have established that each person has their own methods for selling systems which have been refined as a result of experience. One view is that if the company represents itself as selling technical expertise, it is counterproductive to ask the customer interminable questions and a prescribed sequence could hinder the relationship the sales rep is trying to establish. There is a general feeling that the customer should see the design emerging and how the costs accumulate, but management are reluctant even to allow a rough order of magnitude price before the engineers have costed the system. Thus findings which represent the users' wishes may be ignored. Difficulties such as these lead the researcher to adopt a combination of pragmatism and intuition when working in the field and interpreting data which isn't necessarily acknowledged in accounts of the research. It is rare for our research practices to be entirely in harmony with our methodological objectives. An interpretive approach The situation described here is probably more widespread than the literature would lead us to believe. From this realistic, if jaundiced, view, pragmatic considerations assume more importance than adherence to a coherent theoretical stance. Where the researcher is dependent upon the goodwill of the company to gain access and undertake the research, it is likely that compromises will have to be made between the parties' desired outcomes. Erickson (1983) refers dismissively to the romantic 'toothbrush and hunting knife' school of ethnography, claiming that explicitly framing research questions and deliberately seeking relevant data enable and empower intuition, rather than stifle it. He suggests that 'interpretive' is a more useful description of these research methods as it is more inclusive than ethnography as a term and points to the key features of such research - elucidation and exposition by the researcher. The term presupposes a certain level of observation and description, but it does not have to conform to the definition of this suggested by ethnography. Although he refers to educational research, the limitations on conventional ethnography in workplace settings make an 'interpretive' approach particularly applicable in this context. The emphasis on interpretive skills seems a much more honest description of the researcher's role. Rather than agonise over the many ways in which research methods fall short of the requirements of ethnography, it is much more straightforward to acknowledge that restrictions on access to sites, to people, and to artefacts mean that the researcher will take a pragmatic approach in which various methods are used depending on which promises to be most rewarding. In terms of informing system design, there is usually some guidance on which areas need to be investigated, from the system developers, the system users, or the researcher's experience. Using this approach for case C, I made a couple of reconnaissance visits to get a feel for the workplace and to meet some of the people I would later need to contact. This was followed up by tape-recording interviews with the main people involved, initially using an almost unstructured, conversational interview technique. Relevant materials, such as diagrams and notes were also collected. For subsequent visits I had transcribed sections of the interview and identified some of the issues for further discussion. In the interim there would be occasional email or other written contact in which I made specific enquiries, the feedback also becoming a source of material for further analysis. Where a site visit was not warranted I used telephone interviews, sending the person concerned a list of possible topics for discussion in advance. Telephone interviews can be adequate if you have already met the person face-to-face, and if they do not need deictic communication, such as an engineer referring to the log book or pointing to information on the computer screen. The interim report on the case study was circulated to all participants in addition to the project partners, and feedback on it was solicited. There is nothing unusual about these methods - they are all part of the researcher's armoury of techniques, but there is no reason why researchers in the field of CSCW should apologise for using them simply because they fall short of a strict interpretation of ethnography. In a sense, this is perpetuated by using terms such as 'quick and dirty' ethnography, a misnomer for situations such as the one I have described, in which the researcher is mainly in absentia. Goguen (1993, p144) refers to using ethnography to get 'prior orientation to the milieu to be studied' but this seems unrealistic. He recommends a 'zooming' method of requirements elicitation, whereby the more expensive but detailed methods are only employed selectively for problems that have been determined by other methods to be especially important. Whereas this 'zooming' method has a lot to recommend it, it is mistaken to work on the basis that this is a pragmatic solution as ethnography is not a method to be used prior to something else. It is the ethnographic approach which is so time consuming and depends on 'being there'. The question of what exactly is contributed to system design remains. Where research is being undertaken with or for an industrial partner it is likely that some recommendations may, in any case, be ignored. Probably all one can do is hope to highlight particular issues which may not have been apparent to the system developers (who very rarely get the opportunity even to visit the sites of use) or to elicit previously unarticulated explanations of work practices and preferences. I am not suggesting that recommendations for system design such as these couldn't be extrapolated from an ethnographic approach, but this would probably be after a much greater input of researcher time and in a situation where fewer company imposed constraints existed. Interpretive workplace studies need to be aware of situatedness and indexicality, for instance, and these observations are in large part due to previous ethnographic studies of the workplace. There is still a place for detailed, labour intensive ethnographic studies to develop our understanding of cooperative work practices and how they may best be supported, as their findings can inform the interpretive approach outlined here. But the future direction of research is likely to be in partnership with industry, and in such contexts an interpretive approach offers a more pragmatic solution. Acknowledgements The author gratefully acknowledges the contribution of participants in the case study described. 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